Wednesday, February 28, 2007
White Supremacy
Another myth bites the dust.
Thanks to KCR who forwarded this item.
Monday, February 26, 2007
Endangered Species - U.S. Attorneys
And The Commander in Chief, Aka The Decider, in a Steve Bell Cartoon
steve.bell@guardian.co.uk
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The administration that gave us the war in Iraq is now engaged in another battle on the domestic front. President Bush's Justice Department is reported to be carrying out systematic weeding of U.S. attorneys who are perceived to be unfriendly about its policies and goals.
Washington Post Feb.24, 2007 Justice Department Fires 8th U.S. Attorney An eighth U.S. attorney announced her resignation yesterday, the latest in a wave of forced departures of federal prosecutors who have clashed with the Justice Department over the death penalty and other issues. Margaret Chiara, the 63-year-old U.S. attorney in Grand Rapids, Mich., told her staff that she was leaving her post after more than five years, officials said. Sources familiar with the case confirmed that she was among a larger group of prosecutors who were first asked to resign Dec. 7. Chiara is the second female U.S. attorney to be dismissed. The other is Carol Lam of San Diego. Before the firings, 15 of 93 U.S. attorneys were women, department records show. The firings have been criticized by lawmakers in both parties and have prompted proposals in Congress to restrict the ability of Attorney General Alberto R. Gonzales to appoint interim prosecutors indefinitely. NY Times Feb.26,2007 Why Have So Many U.S. Attorneys Been Fired? It Looks a Lot Like Politics Carol Lam, the former United States attorney for San Diego, is smart and tireless and was very good at her job. Her investigation of Representative Randy Cunningham resulted in a guilty plea for taking more than $2 million in bribes from defense contractors and a sentence of more than eight years. Two weeks ago, she indicted Kyle Dustin Foggo, the former No. 3 official in the C.I.A. The defense-contracting scandal she pursued so vigorously could yet drag in other politicians. In many Justice Departments, her record would have won her awards, and perhaps a promotion to a top post in Washington. In the Bush Justice Department, it got her fired. Ms. Lam is one of at least seven United States attorneys fired recently under questionable circumstances. The Justice Department is claiming that Ms. Lam and other well-regarded prosecutors like John McKay of Seattle, David Iglesias of New Mexico, Daniel Bogden of Nevada and Paul Charlton of Arizona — who all received strong job evaluations — performed inadequately. It is hard to call what’s happening anything other than a political purge. And it’s another shameful example of how in the Bush administration, everything — from rebuilding a hurricane-ravaged city to allocating homeland security dollars to invading Iraq — is sacrificed to partisan politics and winning elections. U.S. attorneys have enormous power. Their decision to investigate or indict can bankrupt a business or destroy a life. They must be, and long have been, insulated from political pressures. Although appointed by the president, once in office they are almost never asked to leave until a new president is elected. The Congressional Research Service has confirmed how unprecedented these firings are. It found that of 486 U.S. attorneys confirmed since 1981, perhaps no more than three were forced out in similar ways — three in 25 years, compared with seven in recent months. It is not just the large numbers. The firing of H. E. Cummins III is raising as many questions as Ms. Lam’s. Mr. Cummins, one of the most distinguished lawyers in Arkansas, is respected by Republicans and Democrats alike. But he was forced out to make room for J. Timothy Griffin, a former Karl Rove deputy with thin legal experience who did opposition research for the Republican National Committee. (Mr. Griffin recently bowed to the inevitable and said he will not try for a permanent appointment. But he remains in office indefinitely.) The Bush administration cleared the way for these personnel changes by slipping a little-noticed provision into the Patriot Act last year that allows the president to appoint interim U.S. attorneys for an indefinite period without Senate confirmation. Three theories are emerging for why these well-qualified U.S. attorney were fired — all political, and all disturbing. 1. Helping friends. Ms. Lam had already put one powerful Republican congressman in jail and was investigating other powerful politicians. The Justice Department, unpersuasively, claims that it was unhappy about Ms. Lam’s failure to bring more immigration cases. Meanwhile, Ms. Lam has been replaced with an interim prosecutor whose résumé shows almost no criminal law experience, but includes her membership in the Federalist Society, a conservative legal group. 2. Candidate recruitment. U.S. attorney is a position that can make headlines and launch political careers. Congressional Democrats suspect that the Bush administration has been pushing out long-serving U.S. attorneys to replace them with promising Republican lawyers who can then be run for Congress and top state offices. 3. Presidential politics. The Justice Department concedes that Mr. Cummins was doing a good job in Little Rock. An obvious question is whether the administration was more interested in his successor’s skills in opposition political research — let’s not forget that Arkansas has been lucrative fodder for Republicans in the past — in time for the 2008 elections. The charge of politics certainly feels right. This administration has made partisanship its lodestar. The Washington Post reporter Rajiv Chandrasekaran revealed in his book, “Imperial Life in the Emerald City,” that even applicants to help administer post-invasion Iraq were asked whom they voted for in 2000 and what they thought of Roe v. Wade. Congress has been admirably aggressive about investigating. Senator Charles Schumer, Democrat of New York, held a tough hearing. And he is now talking about calling on the fired U.S. attorneys to testify and subpoenaing their performance evaluations — both good ideas. The politicization of government over the last six years has had tragic consequences — in New Orleans, Iraq and elsewhere. But allowing politics to infect U.S. attorney offices takes it to a whole new level. Congress should continue to pursue the case of the fired U.S. attorneys vigorously, both to find out what really happened and to make sure that it does not happen again. |
Further reading:
Imperial Life in the Emerald City by Rajiv Chandrasekaran
Sunday, February 25, 2007
'Secondary Virginity' and Slightly Pregnant
The so called Christian Right, Christian Conservatives, recently met at Amelia Island, Florida, to discuss presidential candidates who fit their agenda. They are going to miss G.W. Bush, a stalwart supporter. David Kirkpatrick's report in the NY Times "Christian Right Labors to find '08 Candidate" contains very little that is new. Participants in the meeting included Rev. Jerry Falwell, Grover Norquist, Paul Weyrich, as well as presidential hopefuls who came to court them. It was something Mr. Norquist said that lightened up my drizzly, grey Sunday morning. Needed something to laugh about and I found it.
| NY Times Mr. Norquist said he remained open to any of the three candidates who spoke to the council or to Mr. Romney. He argued that with the right promises, any of the four could redeem themselves in the eyes of the conservative movement despite their past records, just as some high school students take abstinence pledges even after having had sex. “It’s called secondary virginity,” Mr. Norquist said. “It is a big movement in high school and also available for politicians.” |
Politicians and 'secondary virginity'. Mr. Norquist got that right. The line-up did not include a woman aspirant but if one should emerge then she could be slightly pregnant.
Saturday, February 24, 2007
Looking For A Song, A New Anti-War Song
Anti-war demonstrators marched today in London and Glasgow. Duncan Campbell wrote in The Guardian, UK, about the need for "a new anti-war anthem that will capture the mood". One of my favorites is Bob Dylan's Masters of War. It very aptly describes Bush, Cheney, Blair and the warmongers. "I'm fed up to the ears with old men dreaming up wars for young men to die in" said George McGovern who had served bravely as a B24 Liberator pilot in World War II. Partly because of his anti-Vietnam stance, in the 1972 presidential election George McGovern, the Democratic contender, suffered a landslide defeat against Richard Nixon. Today, not only young men but also young women are dying in another unjustified war now raging in Iraq. Those who began it talk smugly about their heroism and sacrifice. We read about families of dead soldiers. Some of them say "that is what he (she) wanted". No doubt there are soldiers who believe in the rightness of the war. But not all, certainly not all. And what about those who return maimed? The very people who gave us the war are responsible for the conditions at Walter Reed to happen. A new song must express our sorrow.....and rage.
Come you masters of war
You that build all the guns
You that build the death planes
You that build the big bombs
You that hide behind walls
You that hide behind desks
I just want you to know
I can see through your masks
You that never done nothin'
But build to destroy
You play with my world
Like it's your little toy
You put a gun in my hand
And you hide from my eyes
And you turn and run farther
When the fast bullets fly
Like Judas of old
You lie and deceive
A world war can be won
You want me to believe
But I see through your eyes
And I see through your brain
Like I see through the water
That runs down my drain
You fasten the triggers
For the others to fire
Then you set back and watch
When the death count gets higher
You hide in your mansion
As young people's blood
Flows out of their bodies
And is buried in the mud
You've thrown the worst fear
That can ever be hurled
Fear to bring children
Into the world
For threatening my baby
Unborn and unnamed
You ain't worth the blood
That runs in your veins
How much do I know
To talk out of turn
You might say that I'm young
You might say I'm unlearned
But there's one thing I know
Though I'm younger than you
Even Jesus would never
Forgive what you do
Let me ask you one question
Is your money that good
Will it buy you forgiveness
Do you think that it could
I think you will find
When your death takes its toll
All the money you made
Will never buy back your soul
And I hope that you die
And your death'll come soon
I will follow your casket
In the pale afternoon
And I'll watch while you're lowered
Down to your deathbed
And I'll stand o'er your grave
'Til I'm sure that you're dead
---Bob Dylan
Copyright © 1963; renewed 1991 Special Rider Music
The same old songs There is a gaping hole for a new anti-war anthem that will capture the moment and the mood Duncan Campbell Saturday February 24, 2007 The Guardian 'And it's one, two, three, what are we fighting for?..." Forty or so years ago, no anti-Vietnam war rally was complete without someone trying to sing the I-Feel-Like-I'm-Fixin'-to-Die Rag by Country Joe and the Fish. Country Joe McDonald himself is still very much with us, living in Berkeley, still protesting and promoting versions of his 1965 song that now incorporate the war in Iraq. Today tens of thousands of anti-war protesters are due to assemble in George Square in Glasgow and Hyde Park in London, when they will hear a new version of the other great anti-war anthem of that era - War (What Is It Good For?), originally sung by Edwin Starr in 1970. The latest interpretation is by Ugly Rumours, an anti-tribute band named after the group in which the prime minister performed in his long-haired youth. London demonstrators will also be entertained by Ed Harcourt singing Masters of War, written in 1963 by Bob Dylan about the military-industrial complex that profits from the fighting (and Joan Baez may even be appearing). These are all great songs, but where is the defining anti-war anthem of today? The first world war, as anyone who has seen the musical Oh! What a Lovely War will know, produced dozens of haunting songs from When This Lousy War Is Over to The Bells of Hell. In the second world war, everyone did know what they were fighting for, which may account for the fact that there were fewer in the way of protest songs, but the Vietnam war brought a bundle to the fore in addition to the contributions of Country Joe and Edwin Starr. The cold war gave us Randy Newman's still highly topical Political Science ("No one likes us / I don't know why / We may not be perfect / But heaven knows we try ... Let's drop the big one now"), and the conflict in Northern Ireland prompted Billy Connolly to write a beautiful little song called Sergeant, Where's Mine? ("All your talk of computers and sunshine and skis / All I'm askin' is - sergeant, where's mine?"). And from the Falklands war we had Elvis Costello's Shipbuilding, as sung by Robert Wyatt. Nor is there a shortage now of songs about what is happening in Iraq. Bloc Party's Helicopter, Hard-Fi's Middle Eastern Holiday and Elbow's Leaders of the Free World are just three suggested by a colleague, and there are many from the other side of the Atlantic; but there is still the lack of a defining anthem. Andrew Murray, of the Stop the War Coalition, says that every week he is sent new anti-war songs, but they are mainly in a traditional folk style, and he has not yet come across a new song that has quite the anthemic, rallying resonance of Fixin'-to-Die or War. He said that the anti-war movement has had plenty of support from writers, actors and artists, but not quite as much as he would have hoped from the musical fraternity. Ms Dynamite was at the big 2003 rally, Damon Albarn has also attended protests, and Nigel Kennedy and Brian Eno have been active - but Murray says there is a gaping hole for a new song. There is no shortage of bands and musicians of all generations committed to political action, whether in terms of climate change or poverty, and there is no lack of willingness to help. This summer an army of young and middle-aged musicians will take part in Live Earth to draw attention to the dangers of global warming. But it is one thing to offer one's services and another to compose that elusive song that somehow captures the moment and the mood. Murray says that if anyone can come up with such a song they will be guaranteed a big audience. Out there somewhere there must be a musician lurking with lyrics scrawled on the back of a flyer just waiting for their moment. In the meantime, it's one, two, three ... duncan.campbell@guardian.co.uk |
Friday, February 23, 2007
Repealing War Authorization
Thunder Without Lightning * For Romano Prodi, A Return to Life
Democrats in the Senate are finally showing some spine, moving in the right direction to rein in the warrior president. Too early to predict the outcome of their plan. It is voice of the people that will be the key element. Every day soldiers are dying in Iraq. There has to be an outcry, a howl about the senseless waste. Otherwise the Democratic thunder will be ineffective.
Washington Post Senate Democratic leaders intend to unveil a plan next week to repeal the 2002 resolution authorizing the war in Iraq in favor of narrower authority that restricts the military's role and begins withdrawals of combat troops. House Democrats have pulled back from efforts to link additional funding for the war to strict troop-readiness standards after the proposal came under withering fire from Republicans and from their party's own moderates. That strategy was championed by Rep. John P. Murtha (D-Pa.) and endorsed by House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.). |
For Romano Prodi, A Return to Life
On Wednesday, Italy's Romano Prodi resigned as prime minister after losing a vote on foreign policy. He was written off and there was rejoicing among the supporters of his predecessor, Silvio Berlusconi. The reactionary Berlusconi -- rich and reported to be corrupt -- was ready to emerge again. However, negotiations currently underway indicate that Romano Prodi might survive. But with only a 2-vote majority over Berlusconi's Center-Right Coalition, Prodi's Center-Left Coalition would have a tenuous existence.
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The issue of troop deployments split Mr Prodi's coalition (BBC) Italian President Giorgio Napolitano is holding talks with key politicians on forming a new government, in an effort to resolve a deep political crisis. PM Romano Prodi is hoping to stay in office after centre-left coalition partners agreed to back him. The crisis began on Wednesday, when Mr Prodi resigned after losing a Senate vote on foreign policy. Some coalition partners had opposed troop deployments in Afghanistan and plans to expand a US airbase in Italy. The deal between Mr Prodi and other party leaders came late on Thursday. "We have all agreed to the programme so that he can continue to govern," his spokesman, Silvio Sircana, said. The 12-point programme gives the prime minister the final say in any future disputes. It is also reportedly includes support for Italy's military presence in Afghanistan. |
Thursday, February 22, 2007
Mahmudiya, South of Baghdad
The Rape and Murder of Abeer Hamza
One day the war will come to an end. For the people of Mahmudiya (also known as Mahmudiyah, Al-Mahmudiyah) the memory of what took place on March 12, 2006 will remain alive for a long time after the guns become silent. The wheel of justice is moving for the soldiers of 502nd Regiment, 101st Airborne Division, charged with taking part in the rape and murder of a young Iraqi girl named Abeer Qasim Hamza. A second soldier, Sgt. Paul Cortez, has confessed. Steven Green, reported to be the one who shot and killed her parents and her 5-year old sister before raping and killing Abeer Hamza, was discharged from the army before the investigation revealed his role. He is on trial as a civilian.
Source: BBC News
See:
The Evil That Man Does
The Neocons' War and A Girl Named Abeer Hamza
The 502nd Infantry Regiment and Abeer Hamza
Abeer Hamza
Tuesday, February 20, 2007
Small Towns Across America Bear the Brunt of War
Edward "Willie" Carman * Ryan Kovacicek * Brent Adams * Allan Bevington
The caption for cover of the January 22nd issue of The New Yorker by Anita Kunz reads "While Rome Burns". President Bush is shown wearing a toga, strumming a lyre. That might be a bit of a stretch but there is very little dispute about the disconnect between what the president says and what he does. He keeps on playing the same old song although listeners are becoming fewer and fewer. NPR's report about dead soldiers and the disproportionate share being borne by people of small towns in America ought to be a must read for all who hold a position -- for or against the president and his war.
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| NPR The Span of War Small Towns Absorb the Toll of War Morning Edition, February 20, 2007 · Small towns across the country are struggling through losses because of the Iraq war. A new report from the Associated Press shows that nearly half of all servicemen and women killed in Iraq came from communities with fewer than 25,000 people. One out of every five troops killed came from hometowns of less than 5,000. Many of these small communities are also poor. The report shows that nearly three quarters of those killed in Iraq came from towns where per capita income is below the national average. From Beaver Falls to Caledonia, War Hits Home MCKEESPORT, Pa. (AP) — Raised in the projects in an old steel town, Edward "Willie" Carman saw the Army as a chance to build a new life. "I'm not doing it to you, I'm doing it for me," the then-18-year-old told his mother, Joanna Hawthorne, after coming home from high school one day and surprising her with the news. When Carman died in Iraq three years ago at age 27, he had money saved for college, a fiancee and two kids — including a baby son he'd never met. Neighbors in Hawthorne's mobile home park collected $400 and left it in an envelope in her door. McKeesport is not alone in its mourning. Nearly half of the more than 3,100 U.S. military fatalities in Iraq have come from towns like McKeesport, where fewer than 25,000 people live, according to an analysis by The Associated Press. One in five hailed from hometowns of less than 5,000. The Census Bureau said 56 percent of the population in 2005 lived in towns under 25,000 and in unincorporated areas, but it could not provide the number of people in living only in communities of less than 25,000. The 2000 census showed 16 percent of the population lived in unicorporated rural areas. Many of the hometowns of the war dead aren't just small, they're poor. The AP analysis found that nearly three quarters of those killed in Iraq came from towns where the per capita income was below the national average. More than half came from towns where the percentage of people living in poverty topped the national average. Some are old factory towns like McKeesport, once home to U.S. Steel's National Tube Works, which employed 8,000 people in its heyday. Now, residents' average income is just 60 percent of the national average, and one in eight lives below the federal poverty line. On a per capita basis, states with mostly rural populations have suffered the highest fatalities in Iraq. Vermont, South Dakota, Alaska, North Dakota, Nebraska, Wyoming, Delaware, Montana, Louisiana and Oregon top the list, the AP found. There's a "basic unfairness" about the number of troops dying in Iraq who are from rural areas, said William O'Hare, senior visiting fellow at the University of New Hampshire's Carsey Institute, which examines rural issues. Diminished opportunities are one factor in higher military enlistment rates in rural areas. From 1997 to 2003, 1.5 million rural workers lost their jobs due to changes in industries like manufacturing that have traditionally employed rural workers, according to the Carsey Institute. Rural communities are "being asked to pay a bigger price for this military adventure, if I can use that word, than their urban counterparts," O'Hare said. As a result, in more than a thousand small towns across the country — from Glendive, Mont., to Barnwell, S.C., to Caledonia, Miss., and from Hardwick, Vt., to Clinton, Ohio — friends and families have been left struggling to make sense of a loved one's death in Iraq. It's a struggle that hits with a special intensity in tight-knit, small towns. "In a small community, even if you don't know somebody's name you at least know their face, you've seen them before, talked to them maybe," said Chuck Bevington, whose 22-year-old brother Allan, from Beaver Falls, Pa., died in Iraq, after volunteering for a second tour. "A small community feels it a lot tighter because they've had more contact with each other." Even strangers come up and hug his mother, he said. 'This Is Why I Joined' Military tradition and patriotism run deep in rural America, and for some the drive to serve goes well beyond economics. Sometimes, the call is something even their parents don't completely understand. When a Marine recruiter came to Ryan Kovacicek's two-story house outside Washington, Pa., off a mountain rural road surrounded by cattle pastures, his father, a Marine veteran of Vietnam, turned to his college student son and said, "You don't really understand what you're getting into." "Yes, I do," he stubbornly told his father before signing the papers. Their son was a jokester, easy going and popular. He loved golf and vacationing in Myrtle Beach, S.C. But there was a serious side too, and his parents said he believed in serving his country. As a bonus, he thought military service would help him one day get a job with the FBI or CIA. Before leaving for Iraq, he took his girlfriend to a car dealership along I-79, pointed to a giant American flag flying overhead, and declared, "This is why I joined the Marines." When his body was brought home, the hearse passed the same flag. The day of Kovacicek's funeral, people lined Route 19, holding signs with his name. Little kids waved flags and men held their hands over their hearts to pay respect to the procession of more than 300 cars. His parents say they've been overwhelmed by the support of the community with tributes and phone calls from his friends and fellow Marines. In Iraq, they later learned, he used to serenade his buddies with a song his father learned in boot camp and taught him as a boy. His voice choking, Joe Kovacicek recalled the words: "You can have your Army khaki, you can have your Navy blue, but here's another fighting man I'll introduce to you." Among his belongings returned to the family was a tiny worn-out Bible he carried in his pocket. His mother, Judi, said she didn't watch President Bush's recent address on the war because they try to stay out of the politics of Iraq. "If God was going to take him at 22, if he didn't take him like he did, how was he going to do it? I feel a lot better losing him this way because there was a lot of meaning behind what he did," his father said. 'An Issue of Fairness' Death isn't the only burden the war has visited on the nation's small towns. Entrepreneurs in many small communities have lost their businesses after deploying in the Guard and Reserves, said Sen. Jon Tester, D-Mont. More federal dollars also are needed to ensure that returning troops have easy access to veterans health centers, he said. "It's an issue of fairness that these folks are willing to go over and fight wars and put their lives on the line and really back this country up the way they have ... we owe it to them to live up to our obligation of benefits," Tester said. Another fairness issue, raised by Rep. Bart Stupak, D-Mich., is the Pentagon's practice of transporting the remains of military personnel killed in Iraq only to the nearest major airport. Stupak said it "imposes a burden on the family and friends when they should instead receive our support." He has introduced legislation to require the DOD to deliver the remains to the military or civilian airport chosen by the family. While support for the war in rural areas initially was high, there has been a sharp decline in the past three years. AP-Ipsos polls show that those in rural areas who said it was the right decision to go to war dropped from 73 percent in April 2004 to 39 percent now. In urban areas, support declined from 43 percent in 2004 to 30 percent now. Marty Newell, chief operating officer of the Whitesburg, Ky.-based Center for Rural Strategies, said rural areas supported the war early on because so many of their young men and women were fighting it. "The reason that support is dwindling now is the same reason that support would've been strong before, and that is that we know a lot more about it," he said. "We know what the real costs are and we know what the real story is. ... Every day there's another small town that has one of their own come home less than whole, and there are a lot of small towns like that." As the war drags on into its fourth year, Vietnam war historian Christian Appy said the burden it has placed on smaller communities — just as it did in Vietnam — can be a very "embittering experience." "I think people in many of those towns are deeply patriotic and want to support the country, but as time goes on, it's becoming increasingly clear to those people that their country and its security is not at stake in this war and in Vietnam," Appy said. One who's conflicted about the U.S. role in Iraq is Marilyn Adams, 37, of Wexford, Pa. Her 3-year-old son opened the door in 2005 when an officer came to tell her of the death of her husband, Pennsylvania National Guard Sgt. 1st Class Brent Adams, 40, in Iraq. "I'm torn," she said. "Should we finish the job? And then I go to the funerals of the local guys and I'm like, this is just stupid ... I don't think we're going to finish it there. I don't think there's a finishing point. They're getting more efficient at killing us, that's a direct quote from the president." 'For the History Books to Decide' Long before football great Joe Namath put Beaver Falls on the map, the Pennsylvania mountain town was known for its cold-drawn steel. But like much of the Steel Belt, it's had a decline in population and jobs. Allan Bevington, who enjoyed heavy metal music and loved to fish, talked to his older brother, Chuck, about his time in the Army, and eventually decided it was a way for him to get an education and support his country. In his first tour in Iraq, he worked as a combat engineer dismantling roadside bombs. He believed he was saving American lives and helping the Iraq people. After returning home, he volunteered for a second deployment, only to be killed by a roadside bomb. "He really felt what he was doing was helping the Iraqi people. He had a lot of bad experiences the first time, but he had just as many good experiences," Bevington said. "He was very proud of what he was doing. He would never tell you that to your face, but you could see it in his eyes." Before his second deployment, Bevington purchased a 2002 cobalt blue Ford Mustang. Now, it sits in his brother's driveway because neither he nor his mother have the heart to move it. Chuck Bevington doesn't like what he calls the politicizing of the troops. "The last thing these men need are people second guessing what's going on," he said. "That's something for the history books to decide whether it's right or wrong." "If they end it right now, they're going to make it worse then it ever was." 'It's Not Right' Hawthorne isn't waiting on history's verdict. She's bitter about a military she said enticed her son with promises of money, then sent him to a war based on a lie. "When they came and told me he was gone, oh my God, it just crushed me," Hawthorne said. "There was actual pain in my heart. It felt like someone was in there just ripping it apart." When her son's first enlistment was nearing an end, before the Sept. 11 terrorists attacks, Hawthorne said he decided to re-enlist, partly because the signing bonus of more than $10,000 would help pay his bills. At the time, he was facing $600 in monthly child support payments from his failed first marriage. When he deployed to Iraq, his sister said, he had money saved and planned to go to college when he got out of the military in 2005. Instead, he died in Iraq in 2004 when his tank overturned. Hawthorne said the military gave her $4,000 for his funeral, but it wasn't enough to cover the $14,000 expense. The funeral home forgave the rest, and neighbors collected $400 to help her get by. "You don't see anyone who has money putting their children into the military," she said. "I'm all for our soldiers. Without them our country wouldn't be where we are today, but this war just doesn't seem right. Like the Vietnam one. It's not right." For a year after her son's death, Hawthorne took a chair to the cemetery nearly every day, sat next to his grave and talked quietly. Her vigil continues even now; the visits have slowed to once a week, but the pain sticks. |
Monday, February 19, 2007
Casualties of War
Residents of Mologne House
The follow up to yesterday's article in the Washington Post about Walter Reed Hospital is heartrending. To think that there will be more wounded soldiers who will go through the experience described so movingly by Anne Hull and Dana Priest, and the unwillingness of the Bush Administration to heed public opinion here in America and overseas is frustrating. The president is staying the course as he sees it. He gives speeches about making sacrifice and the numbers of dead and wounded soldiers keep going up. So many of them in their twenties, and some below legal drinking age.
The nation owes them. That is not questioned. But is everything possible being done for their recovery and rehabilitation ? For some, the life they knew is gone forever. For others there is hope. They must receive all the help they need.
*****
The Hotel Aftermath Inside Mologne House, the Survivors of War Wrestle With Military Bureaucracy and Personal Demons By Anne Hull and Dana Priest Washington Post Monday, February 19, 2007 Excerpts The guests of Mologne House have been blown up, shot, crushed and shaken, and now their convalescence takes place among the chandeliers and wingback chairs of the 200-room hotel on the grounds of Walter Reed Army Medical Center. Oil paintings hang in the lobby of this strange outpost in the war on terrorism, where combat's urgency has been replaced by a trickling fountain in the garden courtyard. The maimed and the newly legless sit in wheelchairs next to a pond, watching goldfish turn lazily through the water. But the wounded of Mologne House are still soldiers -- Hooah! -- so their lives are ruled by platoon sergeants. Each morning they must rise at dawn for formation, though many are half-snowed on pain meds and sleeping pills. Mostly what the soldiers do together is wait: for appointments, evaluations, signatures and lost paperwork to be found. It's like another wife told Annette McLeod: "If Iraq don't kill you, Walter Reed will." When a smooth-cheeked soldier with no legs orders a fried chicken dinner and two bottles of grape soda to go, a kitchen worker comes out to his wheelchair and gently places the Styrofoam container on his lap. A scrawny young soldier sits alone in his wheelchair at a nearby table, his eyes closed and his chin dropped to his chest, an empty Corona bottle in front of him. Those who aren't old enough to buy a drink at the bar huddle outside near a magnolia tree and smoke cigarettes. Wearing hoodies and furry bedroom slippers, they look like kids at summer camp who've crept out of their rooms, except some have empty pants legs or limbs pinned by medieval-looking hardware. Medication is a favorite topic. "Dude, [expletive] Paxil saved my life." "I been on methadone for a year, I'm tryin' to get off it." "I didn't take my Seroquel last night and I had nightmares of charred bodies, burned crispy like campfire marshmallows." Mologne House is afloat on a river of painkillers and antipsychotic drugs. One night, a strapping young infantryman loses it with a woman who is high on her son's painkillers. "Quit taking all the soldier medicine!" he screams. Pill bottles clutter the nightstands: pills for depression or insomnia, to stop nightmares and pain, to calm the nerves. Months roll by and life becomes a blue-and-gold hotel room where the bathroom mirror shows the naked disfigurement of war's ravages. There are toys in the lobby of Mologne House because children live here. Domestic disputes occur because wives or girlfriends have moved here. Financial tensions are palpable. After her husband's traumatic injury insurance policy came in, one wife cleared out with the money. Older National Guard members worry about the jobs they can no longer perform back home. While Mologne House has a full bar, there is not one counselor or psychologist assigned there to assist soldiers and families in crisis -- an idea proposed by Walter Reed social workers but rejected by the military command that runs the post. After a while, the bizarre becomes routine. On Friday nights, antiwar protesters stand outside the gates of Walter Reed holding signs that say "Love Troops, Hate War, Bring them Home Now." Inside the gates, doctors in white coats wait at the hospital entrance for the incoming bus full of newly wounded soldiers who've just landed at Andrews Air Force Base. And set back from the gate, up on a hill, Mologne House, with a bowl of red apples on the front desk. At Mologne House, the rooms empty and fill, empty and fill. The lobby chandelier glows and the bowl of red apples waits on the front desk. An announcement goes up for Texas Hold 'Em poker in the bar. One cold night an exhausted mother with two suitcases tied together with rope shows up at the front desk and says, "I am here for my son." And so it begins. |
Sunday, February 18, 2007
Seven GOP Senators Who Voted Against Troop Surge
Bush's War, Soldiers' Familes, and Wounded Soldiers
A bouquet for Republican Senators Susan Collins (Maine), Olympica Snowe (Maine), Norm Coleman (Minnesota), Chuck Hagel (Nebraska), Gordon H. Smith (Oregon) Arlen Spector (Pennsylvania), John W. Warner (Virginia).
"This is the most pressing issue facing our nation, and it is important for the Senate to go on record on the president's plan," said Sen. Susan Collins (R-Maine), an opponent of the troop buildup who voted with the Democrats.
The Washington Post published two reports about the impact of the war on people who remain mostly unknown.
Excerpts:
Excerpts:
Forgotten Families Grandparents Raising Slain Soldiers' Children Are Denied A Government Benefit Intended to Sustain the Bereaved By Donna St. George Washington Post Staff Writer Friday, February 16, 2007; A01 Her daughter was killed by a bomb in Iraq. Eight months later, Susan Jaenke is both grief-stricken and strapped -- behind on her mortgage, backed up on her bills and shut out of the $100,000 government death benefit that her daughter thought she had left her. The problem is that Jaenke is not a wife, not a husband, but instead grandmother to the 9-year-old her daughter left behind. "Grandparents," she said, "are forgotten in this." For the Jaenkes and others like them, the toll of war can be especially complex: They face not only the anguish of losing a son or daughter but also the emotional, legal and financial difficulties of putting the pieces back together for a grandchild. |
Soldiers Face Neglect, Frustration At Army's Top Medical Facility By Dana Priest and Anne Hull Washington Post Sunday, February 18, 2007; A01 Behind the door of Army Spec. Jeremy Duncan's room, part of the wall is torn and hangs in the air, weighted down with black mold. When the wounded combat engineer stands in his shower and looks up, he can see the bathtub on the floor above through a rotted hole. The entire building, constructed between the world wars, often smells like greasy carry-out. Signs of neglect are everywhere: mouse droppings, belly-up cockroaches, stained carpets, cheap mattresses. This is the world of Building 18, not the kind of place where Duncan expected to recover when he was evacuated to Walter Reed Army Medical Center from Iraq last February with a broken neck and a shredded left ear, nearly dead from blood loss. But the old lodge, just outside the gates of the hospital and five miles up the road from the White House, has housed hundreds of maimed soldiers recuperating from injuries suffered in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. The common perception of Walter Reed is of a surgical hospital that shines as the crown jewel of military medicine. But 5 1/2 years of sustained combat have transformed the venerable 113-acre institution into something else entirely -- a holding ground for physically and psychologically damaged outpatients. Almost 700 of them -- the majority soldiers, with some Marines -- have been released from hospital beds but still need treatment or are awaiting bureaucratic decisions before being discharged or returned to active duty. |
Friday, February 16, 2007
GOP Defections - Deserting A Sinking Ship
Iraq * Creationists in Kansas * Wine, Women, Spooks, Legislators and Lobbyists
Not quite a stampede....not yet. But the signs are not looking good for President Bush and the warmongers. The death toll for American soldiers keep climbing. So far in February 48 more have lost their lives in Iraq.
Paul Kane in The Washington Post From the moderate suburbs of Delaware to the rural, conservative valleys of eastern Tennessee, House Republican opponents of President Bush's latest Iraq war plan cut across the GOP's ideological and regional spectrum. Numbering a dozen or more, these House Republicans have emerged as some of the most prominent opponents of the plan to increase troop presence in Iraq. They admit to being a ragtag band, with no scheduled meetings and little political cohesion. "We aren't organized at all," said Rep. Jim Ramstad (R-Minn.), whose district includes suburbs of the Twin Cities. "It's about as diverse a group as is possible." Borrowing time from House Democrats, these Republicans have gone to the floor to condemn the latest attempt at stabilizing Iraq, which they see as mired in civil war, and have vowed to support a Democratic-driven resolution condemning the buildup. |
The Land of Oz
The good people of Kansas who oppose teaching of evolution suffered another setback. But no reason to feel disheartened. If nothing else works, judgment day will prove them right. Praise the lord and burn books about Charles Darwin and his theory.
The Guardian Creationists defeated in Kansas school vote on science teaching Suzanne Goldenberg in Washington Thursday February 15, 2007 School authorities in the American heartland state of Kansas have delivered a rebuff to subscribers to the notion of intelligent design by voting to banish language challenging evolution from new science guidelines. In a 6-4 vote on Tuesday night, the Kansas state board of education deleted language from teaching guidelines that challenged the validity of evolutionary theory, and approved new phrasing in line with mainstream science. It was seen as a victory for a coalition of moderate Republicans and Democrats, science educators and parents who had fought for two years to overturn the earlier guidelines. The decision is the latest in a string of defeats for proponents of creationism, and its modern variant, intelligent design. It reverses the decision taken by the same authorities two years ago to include language undermining Darwinism - on the insistence of conservative parents and activists in the intelligent design movement. |
Ongoing investigation about lobbyist Brent R. Wilkes netted a big fish -- no less a person than Kyle "Dusty" Foggo, former executive director of the CIA. According to reports, Foggo used his position at the CIA to "steer business deals" to Wilkes. Corrupt legislators who shared in the munificence of Wilkes, Abramoff and other lobbyists have reason to be concerned. They thought that freebies would never end and they went on merrily earmarking to return the favors. And why was U.S. Attorney Carole Lam fired? This story has legs.
Former Top CIA Official Indicted Foggo Accused of Steering Contracts to GOP Fundraiser By R. Jeffrey Smith Washington Post Staff Writer Wednesday, February 14, 2007; A01 The CIA's former executive director and a defense contractor were indicted yesterday by a San Diego grand jury for allegedly corrupting the intelligence agency's contracts, marking one of the first criminal cases to reach into the CIA's clandestine operations in Europe and the Middle East. Kyle "Dusty" Foggo, a longtime logistics officer who was the CIA's top administrator from November 2004 until last May, was accused of using his seniority and influence at a prior CIA job in Europe to steer business deals to his longtime friend Brent R. Wilkes, a California businessman and top Republican fundraiser. The 11-count indictment states that Wilkes subsidized meals and lavish vacations for Foggo and his family in Washington, Hawaii and Scotland and promised to employ Foggo after his retirement from the CIA. It also accuses Foggo -- a former ethics official in two divisions at the CIA -- of improperly providing classified information to Wilkes about the CIA, his contracting competitors and "other matters." The indictment is the latest development in a lengthy federal criminal probe into the dark side of a budget process known as "earmarking," in which lawmakers have directed federal contracts to favored designees who were either friends or campaign contributors. Last year the probe led to a prison sentence for one lawmaker, Rep. Randy "Duke" Cunningham -- who, the government said yesterday, used two prostitutes financed by Wilkes. While the probe has threatened to sweep in other members of Congress, some uncertainty surrounds it. A key U.S. attorney involved in it -- Carol C. Lam in San Diego -- has been fired by the administration for unspecified "performance-related" deficiencies along with a handful of other federal prosecutors. Lam oversaw the Foggo investigation and is to leave Thursday. The head of the local FBI field office praised Lam's performance and said her firing appeared to be "political," an accusation that the Justice Department has denied. The case involving Foggo is unusual because all of the contracts at issue are classified. But the indictment makes it clear that the agency was allegedly bilked when it wound up paying 60 percent more than it should have for water supplied by a company affiliated with Wilkes to CIA outposts in Afghanistan and northern Iraq. The evidence against Foggo included e-mails in which he promised to introduce a Wilkes subordinate to his CIA colleagues and helped arrange advance payments on a $1.69 million contract. Even after arriving at CIA headquarters as a top appointee of then-Director Porter J. Goss, he continued to press for more rapid payments to a Wilkes-affiliated firm identified in the indictment as "Shell Company No. 1," earning Wilkes's thanks, the document states. It formally charges the two men -- who witnesses have said periodically played poker with lawmakers and others in a rented suite at the Watergate Hotel -- with conspiracy to commit honest services fraud and money laundering. Foggo's attorney, Mark MacDougall, said through an aide yesterday that he had no comment on the indictment. A lawyer previously retained by Foggo, William G. Hundley, had argued that Foggo had no idea the contracts were benefiting Wilkes, but the indictment says that Foggo deliberately "concealed material facts" from his colleagues at the CIA and used "shell companies and straw men" to hide their role in the contracts. Wilkes's attorney, Mark J. Geragos, called the indictment "unfortunate" and said "we welcome the chance to refute these accusations." He declined to elaborate. CIA Director Michael V. Hayden, who replaced Goss last May, told employees in a memo yesterday that they should not talk about the matter "out of respect for the legal proceedings that are underway, and to ensure the protection of classified information and agency equities." Hayden noted that the allegations against Foggo first surfaced inside the CIA, which he said cooperated closely with the Justice Department on the probe. Additional legal troubles yesterday enveloped Wilkes, a Republican Party "Pioneer" who raised more than $100,000 for President Bush's reelection in 2004 and donated -- in concert with his business colleagues -- $656,396 to 64 other Republican lawmakers and the national Republican Party committees in Washington from 1995 through the third quarter of 2005. A second 25-count indictment disclosed yesterday in San Diego alleges that Wilkes separately obtained a stream of Defense Department contracts from 1996 to 2004 by providing then-Rep. Cunningham with cash and other bribes valued at more than $700,000. Cunningham pleaded guilty in 2005 to taking bribes worth more than $1 million from Mitchell Wade, a business associate of Wilkes, and drew an eight-year prison sentence. But the second Wilkes indictment contains new details of how Wade and Wilkes allegedly worked together to profit from contracts and how Cunningham -- sitting on the Appropriations defense subcommittee -- browbeat defense officials on their behalf. It said that Wilkes paid a company called Shirlington Limousine to chauffeur Cunningham around Washington. He also allegedly financed lavish meals and vacations for Cunningham, flew him around on the company jet, bought him tickets to the Super Bowl, and paid for two prostitutes for the lawmaker on Aug. 15 and 16, 2003, at the Hapuna Beach Prince Hotel in Hawaii. "Pursuant to Cunningham's request," the indictment states, "Wilkes arranged for the Congressman to get a different prostitute for the second evening." |
Wednesday, February 14, 2007
America - From "Most Beloved to Most Hated" Country
Is the Pendulum Ready to Swing ? * CIA's Torture Flights
Jan Morris, a favorite travel writer, commented in The Guardian about America.....George Bush's America. Her love for our country comes through, and so does her optimism about the future. While these days it is sometimes difficult to share her faith about America's greatness and ability to bounce back, deep in our hearts we feel that the present state of affairs will not continue for long. We are waiting for the pendulum to swing; when it does there will be rejoicing in the land.
The Guardian Once the most beloved country in the world, the US is now the most hated The American swagger has become bombast, the cocky GI a bully. But with luck the pendulum may be ready to swing back Jan Morris February 14, 2007 'Whisper of how I'm yearning", sang George M Cohan in one of the great American songs of nostalgia, "to mingle with the old time throng". Well, I'm yearning too, not for the gang at 42nd Street exactly, but for the America that Cohan was indirectly hymning - for the Idea of America, with a capital I, which once made the United States not just the most potent of all the nations but genuinely the most liked. Perhaps, with a future new president already champing at the bit, we are about to witness its rebirth. As a foreigner I am immune to the rivalries or seductions of American party politics, but I have loved the old place for 60 years, and I simply pray for an American leader to give us back its baraka, as the Arabs say - nothing to do with religion or economics or power or even ideology, but the gift of being at once blessed and blessing. Of course nobody can claim that the old dreams of America were ever perfectly fulfilled. They often let us down. They were betrayed by the national reputations for crime, corruption, racism and rampant materialism. Not all the presidents, God knows, were icons of virtue or even of glamour, and the benevolent Uncle Sam of the old cartoonists was more often interpreted, around the world, as a fat moron in horn-rimmed spectacles, chewing a cigar. Nobody's perfect, still less any republic. But I think it is true that only in our time has the American Idea lost its baraka. A generation or two ago, most of us, wherever we lived, loved the generous self-satisfaction of it, if not in the general, at least in the particular. The GI was not then a sort of goggled monster in padded armour, but a cheerful fellow chatting up the girls and distributing candy not as a matter of policy, but out of plain goodwill - everyone's friendly guy next door. To millions of radio listeners around the world, the Voice of America was a voice of decency, and one could watch the lachrymose patriotic rituals of America - the hand on heart, the misty-eyed salute to the flag - with more affection than irony. For myself, I responded to them all too sentimentally. Like Walt Whitman before me, I heard America sing! I relished the hackneyed old lyrics - Mine eyes have seen the glory, Thy word our law, Thy paths our chosen way, Oe'r the land of the free and the home of the brave, God bless America, land that I love ... Most of the words were flaccid, many of the tunes were vulgar, but as I heard them I saw always in my mind's eye, as Whitman did, all the glorious space, grandeur and opportunity that was America, Manhattan to LA. Sea, in fact, to shining sea. In those days we did not think of American evangelists as prophets of political extremism - they seemed more akin to the homely convictions of plantation or village chapel than to the machinations of neocons. We bridled rather at the American assumption that the US of A had been the only true victor of the second world war, but most of us did not very deeply resent the happy swagger of the legend and danced gratefully enough to the American rhythms of the time. We thought it all seemed essentially innocent. Innocent! Dear God! Half a century, and nobody thinks that now. Far from being the most beloved country on earth, today the US is the most thoroughly detested. The rot really started to set in, in my view, with Abraham Lincoln, one of the most admirable men who ever lived. He it was who saw in American glory the duty of a mission. America, he declared, was the last best hope of earth. The pursuit of happiness was not its national vocation, but the example of democracy. The more like the United States the world became, the better the world would be. No statesman was ever more sincere or kindly in his beliefs, but poor old Abe would be horrified to see how his interpretation of destiny has gone sour. For the missionary instinct, which impelled Americans into so many noble policies, was to be perverted by power. Pace Lincoln, America was not necessarily the last best hope of mankind, and the knowledge that it has possessed unchallengable powers of interference has distorted its attitude to the world and cruelly damaged its image in return. Isolationism was not a very estimable stance, but interfereism is not much more attractive. In humanity's eye, the swagger has become bombast and the cocky GI has become a bully. But there is a difference between image and idea. One is a projection, the other an absolute. Public relations people, tabloid newspapers, spin doctors and entertainers can all fiddle with the image of America, but the idea of it remains constant - overlaid, perhaps, dormant, even forgotten, but always there. Everyone who visits America feels it - every package tourist returns to tell their neighbours how nice the Americans are, how different from their reputation. And what they are all sensing, half-hidden behind the image of America, is the presence of the Idea, with a capital I. When I first went to the United States in the 1950s, I impertinently remarked to an archetypal guru, Chief Justice Felix Frankfurter, that what with Senator McCarthy and southern segregation, and civic corruption everywhere, I was not much impressed by the condition of America. Be patient, said the sage. America is like a pendulum, swinging from good to bad, from bad to good, and before long it will swing again. He was right, and with luck, perhaps the pendulum is almost ready to swing back once more. Whatever we may think in our moments of despair, America is still a marvellous and lovable country whose patriotism can still be touching: try restraining a tear when you listen to Irving Berlin's setting of the words on the Statue of Liberty - the ultimate American text, with music by the emblematic American immigrant. The Great Republic is great still, full still of decent clever people trying to be good. Even now, it is as free as can be expected, and its democracy is fundamentally honest and robust. It laughs at itself, criticises itself and dislikes itself just as much as we do. All it needs is someone with a key to unlock that Idea again, and I hope it will be that next president, whoever it is, even now gearing up for the election. Please God, may it be a poetic president. Inspiration has been the true engine of American success, and all its greatest presidents have been people with a divine spark. The dullards may have been efficient, respected or influential, but the Jeffersons and the Roosevelts, the Lincolns and the Kennedys have all been, in their different ways, artists. So may it be a president with the key of original inspiration who can release the Idea from its occlusion. All the ingredients are still there, after all - the kindness, the imagination, the merriment, the will, the talent, the energy, the goddam orneriness, the plain goodness - all there waiting to burst out once more and bring us back our America, blessed and blessing too. "Give our regards to old Broadway", sang Cohan, "And say that I'll be there ere long." So will we, so will we, just as soon as America comes home. |
EU Condemns CIA's Torture Flights
The European Union, to its credit, pulled no punches in condemning member states which participated in CIA's extraordinary rendition program. The BBC reported:
EU endorses damning report on CIA The European parliament has approved a damning report on secret CIA flights, condemning member states which had colluded in the operations. The UK, Germany and Italy were among 14 states which allowed the US to forcibly remove terror suspects, MEPs said. The EU parliament voted to accept a resolution condemning member states which accepted or ignored the practice. The EU report said the US had operated 1,200 flights, flying suspects on to states where they could face torture. The report was adopted by a large majority, with 382 MEPs voting in favour, 256 against and 74 abstaining. |
Monday, February 12, 2007
"This Debate Will be Different" - You Can Say that Again
GOP Scrambling * In Portugal, Prime Minister Socrates Does the Right Thing
A sign of the times. The self-described Decider is no longer in control. In the Senate, the passage of a strong, non-binding resolution about Iraq and the troop surge is far from a done deal. However, things are moving quite differently in the House. "Three days of intense debate over the Iraq war begins in the House today, with Democrats planning to propose a narrowly worded rebuke of President Bush's troop buildup and Republicans girding for broad defections on their side."
Washington Post One House Republican close to the GOP leadership spoke on the condition of anonymity in order to be blunt. "This next week is going to be a very tough one for us to get through," he said. "The Democrats know that. We can sit back and hope they overplay their hand, but I don't think they will." Although the order of speakers has not yet been set, Democrats and Republicans are vying for the most desired slots at a time when attention in Washington will focus on the House. Lawmakers from the West Coast do not want to speak early in the morning, when their constituents are asleep; those from the East do not want to appear at 11:25 p.m. And nearly everyone wants to talk in time to make the evening news and beat the daily newspapers' deadlines. The last time an Iraq resolution came before the House was in June, when the Republicans controlled Congress. After two days of largely partisan debate, the House easily approved a measure declaring that the United States must complete "the mission to create a sovereign, free, secure and united Iraq," without setting "an arbitrary date for the withdrawal" of troops. Forty-two Democrats bucked their leadership to join a virtually united GOP. But this debate will be different, lawmakers from both parties agree. |
For Women of Portugal, the Right to Choose
Across the Atlantic, Prime Minister Jose Socrates of Portugal used his majority power to legalize abortion.
LISBON (Reuters) - Catholic Portugal's decision to join most European countries and allow abortions has shaken the country's conservative establishment but was hailed by liberals as a victory for modernity. Socialist Prime Minister Jose Socrates said on Sunday he would use his majority in parliament to legalize abortion after a referendum on the issue failed because too few people turned out to vote. But of those who did vote, the majority approved. |
Sunday, February 11, 2007
By Hook Or By Crook, They Wanted War
The War Lovers * Iran Next?
They were prepared to go to any length. In the absence of valid reasons, they cooked up scary scenarios. To those who questioned them there were scathing remarks about being unpatriotic. The ground was ripe. In post 9/11 America, people were in shock, afraid, and they trusted their leaders. The neocons exploited the vulnerability to proceed with plans hatched years ago.
The NY Times editorial describes the ugly truth behind the rhetoric of the president and his aides.
NY Times February 10, 2007 The Build-a-War Workshop It took far too long, but a report by the Pentagon inspector general has finally confirmed that Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld’s do-it-yourself intelligence office cooked up a link between Iraq and Al Qaeda to help justify an unjustifiable war. The report said the team headed by Douglas Feith, under secretary of defense for policy, developed “alternative” assessments of intelligence on Iraq that contradicted the intelligence community and drew conclusions “that were not supported by the available intelligence.” Mr. Feith certainly knew the Central Intelligence Agency would cry foul, so he hid his findings from the C.I.A. Then Vice President Dick Cheney used them as proof of cloak-and-dagger meetings that never happened, long-term conspiracies between Saddam Hussein and Osama bin Laden that didn’t exist, and — most unforgivable — “possible Iraqi coordination” on the 9/11 attacks, which no serious intelligence analyst believed. The inspector general did not recommend criminal charges against Mr. Feith because Mr. Rumsfeld or his deputy, Paul Wolfowitz, approved their subordinate’s “inappropriate” operations. The renegade intelligence buff said he was relieved. We’re sure he was. But there is no comfort in knowing that his dirty work was approved by his bosses. All that does is add to evidence that the Bush administration knowingly and repeatedly misled Americans about the intelligence on Iraq. To understand this twisted tale, it is important to recall how Mr. Feith got into the creative writing business. Top administration officials, especially Mr. Cheney, had long been furious at the C.I.A. for refusing to confirm the delusion about a grand Iraqi terrorist conspiracy, something the Republican right had nursed for years. Their frustration only grew after 9/11 and the C.I.A. still refused to buy these theories. Mr. Wolfowitz would feverishly sketch out charts showing how this Iraqi knew that Iraqi, who was connected through six more degrees of separation to terrorist attacks, all the way back to the 1993 World Trade Center bombing. But the C.I.A. kept saying there was no reliable intelligence about an Iraq-Qaeda link. So Mr. Feith was sent to review the reports and come back with the answers Mr. Cheney wanted. The inspector general’s report said Mr. Feith’ s team gave a September 2002 briefing at the White House on the alleged Iraq-Qaeda connection that had not been vetted by the intelligence community (the director of central intelligence was pointedly not told it was happening) and “was not fully supported by the available intelligence.” The false information included a meeting in Prague in April 2001 between an Iraqi official and Mohamed Atta, one of the 9/11 pilots. It never happened. But Mr. Feith’s report said it did, and Mr. Cheney will still not admit that the story is false. In a statement released yesterday, Senator Carl Levin, the new chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, who has been dogged in pursuit of the truth about the Iraqi intelligence, noted that the cooked-up Feith briefing had been leaked to the conservative Weekly Standard magazine so Mr. Cheney could quote it as the “best source” of information about the supposed Iraq-Qaeda link. The Pentagon report is one step in a long-delayed effort to figure out how the intelligence on Iraq was so badly twisted — and by whom. That work should have been finished before the 2004 elections, and it would have been if Pat Roberts, the obedient Republican who ran the Senate Intelligence Committee, had not helped the White House drag it out and load it in ways that would obscure the truth. It is now up to Mr. Levin and Senator Jay Rockefeller, the current head of the intelligence panel, to give Americans the answers. Mr. Levin’s desire to have the entire inspector general’s report on the Feith scheme declassified is a good place to start. But it will be up to Mr. Rockefeller to finally determine how old, inconclusive, unsubstantiated and false intelligence was transformed into fresh, reliable and definitive reports — and then used by Mr. Bush and other top officials to drag the country into a disastrous and unnecessary war. |
Retired Lt. General William F. Odom, who had served as director of the National Security Agency under President Ronald Reagan, commented in the Washington Post:
Victory is not an Option
- The new National Intelligence Estimate on Iraq starkly delineates the gulf that separates President Bush's illusions from the realities of the war. Victory, as the president sees it, requires a stable liberal democracy in Iraq that is pro-American. The NIE describes a war that has no chance of producing that result. In this critical respect, the NIE, the consensus judgment of all the U.S. intelligence agencies, is a declaration of defeat.
- Its gloomy implications -- hedged, as intelligence agencies prefer, in rubbery language that cannot soften its impact -- put the intelligence community and the American public on the same page. The public awakened to the reality of failure in Iraq last year and turned the Republicans out of control of Congress to wake it up. But a majority of its members are still asleep, or only half-awake to their new writ to end the war soon.
Death from the Sky for Iranians
Now the neocons are planning a bloodless, surgical, air war against Iran. Civilian deaths will be chalked off as collateral damage.
The Guardian reports: "Despite denials, Pentagon plans for possible attack on nuclear sites are well advanced"
Excerpts: US preparations for an air strike against Iran are at an advanced stage, in spite of repeated public denials by the Bush administration, according to informed sources in Washington. The present military build-up in the Gulf would allow the US to mount an attack by the spring. But the sources said that if there was an attack, it was more likely next year, just before Mr Bush leaves office. Neo-conservatives, particularly at the Washington-based American Enterprise Institute, are urging Mr Bush to open a new front against Iran. So too is the vice-president, Dick Cheney. The state department and the Pentagon are opposed, as are Democratic congressmen and the overwhelming majority of Republicans. The sources said Mr Bush had not yet made a decision. The Bush administration insists the military build-up is not offensive but aimed at containing Iran and forcing it to make diplomatic concessions. The aim is to persuade Tehran to curb its suspect nuclear weapons programme and abandon ambitions for regional expansion. Last month Mr Bush ordered a second battle group led by the aircraft carrier USS John Stennis to the Gulf in support of the USS Eisenhower. The USS Stennis is due to arrive within the next 10 days. Extra US Patriot missiles have been sent to the region, as well as more minesweepers, in anticipation of Iranian retaliatory action. In another sign that preparations are under way, Mr Bush has ordered oil reserves to be stockpiled. The danger is that the build-up could spark an accidental war. Iranian officials said on Thursday that they had tested missiles capable of hitting warships in the Gulf. One of the main driving forces behind war, apart from the vice-president's office, is the AEI, headquarters of the neo-conservatives. A member of the AEI coined the slogan "axis of evil" that originally lumped Iran in with Iraq and North Korea. Its influence on the White House appeared to be in decline last year amid endless bad news from Iraq, for which it had been a cheerleader. But in the face of opposition from Congress, the Pentagon and state department, Mr Bush opted last month for an AEI plan to send more troops to Iraq. Will he support calls from within the AEI for a strike on Iran? Josh Muravchik, a Middle East specialist at the AEI, is among its most vocal supporters of such a strike. "I do not think anyone in the US is talking about invasion. We have been chastened by the experience of Iraq, even a hawk like myself." But an air strike was another matter. The danger of Iran having a nuclear weapon "is not just that it might use it out of the blue but as a shield to do all sorts of mischief. I do not believe there will be any way to stop this happening other than physical force." |
Saturday, February 10, 2007
Coal Mine Creek, Winter 2007
For years I drove to Portola Valley, parked right across the trailhead for Coal Mine Creek but paid no attention to it. Took the trail to Windy Hill instead.
Then a friend told me about Coal Mine Creek. Scenic and not strenuous, Coal Mine Creek has trails that are shady and very inviting on hot summer days. During a recent walk on Toyon Trail there was evidence of work to repair storm damage. Trees were down, fallen branches were being cleared. A 2.5-mile hike on Toyon Trail ends at a small lake where a sharp left turn on Lake Trail leads to Spanish Mission Trail for returning to the parking lot at Alpine Road -- about a 4.5-mile loop.
Entrance to Coal Mine Creek © Musafir
Beginning of Toyon Trail © Musafir
Looking north
Toyon Trail to the lake © Musafir
Looking west, Windy Hill shrouded in fog © Musafir
Hounds Tongue (Cynoglossum Grande) in bloom © Musafir
A bench in the shade © Musafir
Footbridge on Toyon Trail © Musafir
Tree down off the trail © Musafir
Another view of Windy Hill after the fog lifted © Musafir
A sturdy bench at junction of Toyon and Spanish Mission Trails © Musafir
......And a swing © Musafir
Looking north from Lake Trail © Musafir
To the east, Stanford's Hoover Tower (red roof) faintly visble center-left © MusafirFriday, February 09, 2007
Iraq - The Human Costs of Their Lies
American Soldiers - Dead: 3118, Injured 23417
Every day we are losing soldiers who went to Iraq on an unjustified mission. According to Iraq Coalition Casualties, 33 have died in the first 9 days of February. Estimates about the number of Iraqi civilian casualties vary, but research data released by Johns Hopkins School of Public Health mentions more than 650,000. Those of us who opposed the war have again been vindicated. We said that they lied. They did. No matter what spin is put on the revelations, the report that former under secretary of defense, Douglas Feith, embellished data about Iraq and al-Qaeda connection to support Bush Administration's position, confirms that the nation was lied to. It was a deliberate act to deceive the American public.
Washington Post Intelligence provided by former undersecretary of defense Douglas J. Feith to buttress the White House case for invading Iraq included "reporting of dubious quality or reliability" that supported the political views of senior administration officials rather than the conclusions of the intelligence community, according to a report by the Pentagon's inspector general. Feith's office "was predisposed to finding a significant relationship between Iraq and al Qaeda," according to portions of the report, released yesterday by Sen. Carl M. Levin (D-Mich.). The inspector general described Feith's activities as "an alternative intelligence assessment process." Douglas J. Feith, former undersecretary of defense, defended his report as Douglas J. Feith, former undersecretary of defense, defended his report as "a criticism of the consensus of the intelligence community." An unclassified summary of the full document is scheduled for release today in a hearing of the Senate Armed Services Committee, which Levin chairs. In that summary, a copy of which was obtained from another source by The Washington Post, the inspector general concluded that Feith's assessment in 2002 that Iraq and al-Qaeda had a "mature symbiotic relationship" was not fully supported by available intelligence but was nonetheless used by policymakers. |
Wednesday, February 07, 2007
Iraq: The Sinkhole for Our Money
Paul Bremer and the Missing Billions * Secret Contracts for Haliburton
Former head of Coalition Provisional Authority -- Paul Bremer, the all-powerful proconsul of Iraq who was awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom in December 2004, faced questions from Democratic members of House Oversight and Government Reform Committee about lack of accounting for funds disbursed by his office.
- "We spent a lot of money in Iraq with very little to show for it," said Rep. Henry A. Waxman (D-Calif.), chairman of the Oversight and Government Reform Committee. "I think it's important to understand, going back to the CPA period, how we got into the position we are in."
Washington Post January 7, 2007 The funds were provided to the Iraqis in cash, often in shrink-wrapped packages of $100 bills. The committee's chairman, Rep. Henry A. Waxman (D-Calif.), said the U.S. government flew nearly $12 billion in cash into Baghdad on military cargo planes from May 2003 to June 2004. "Who in their right mind would send 363 tons of cash into a war zone? But that's exactly what our government did," Waxman said. Because of the way the CPA kept track of the payments, Waxman said, "we have no way of knowing whether the cash shipped into the Green Zone ended up in enemy hands." Washington Post January 6, 2007 The chief purpose of today's hearing is to focus on the Coalition Provisional Authority's spending of Iraqi oil revenue in 2003 and 2004. Stuart W. Bowen Jr., the special inspector general for Iraq reconstruction, issued an audit stating that the CPA engaged in "less than adequate" managerial and financial control of approximately $8.8 billion given to Iraqi government ministries. |
Secret Contracts
The usual suspeccts, with connections in high places, reaped the benefits of government contracts in Iraq. They are still making money hands down but have come under scrutiny.
Washington Post (Larry Margasak, Association Press) WASHINGTON -- After numerous denials, the Pentagon has confirmed that a North Carolina company provided armed security guards in Iraq under a subcontract that was buried so deeply the government couldn't find it. The secretary of the Army on Tuesday wrote two Democratic lawmakers that the Blackwater USA contract was part of a huge military support operation by run by Halliburton subsidiary KBR. Vice President Dick Cheney ran Halliburton before he became vice president. Several times last year, Pentagon officials told inquiring lawmakers they could find no evidence of the Blackwater contract. Blackwater, of Moyock, N.C., did not respond to several requests for comment. The discovery shows the dense world of Iraq contracting, where the main contractor hires subcontractors who then hire additional subcontractors. Each company tacks on a charge for overhead, a cost that works its way up to U.S. taxpayers. |
Monday, February 05, 2007
On the Road to 2008 - The Media
Politicians and Voters in America
The race has become earnest. Contenders are staking their positions, saying the usual things politicians do before elections. Most of them will, of course, change their course before November 2008. Rest assured, they will be flexible, adapt themselves to the scenario in Iraq and elsewhere, ready to do somersaults. It is hard to find one courageous, principled person among them.
McCain is now more hawkish than the president, if such a thing is possible, and he has become a champion of tax cuts -- "a born again supply sider" as Novak described him in the Post. Hillary Clinton,unable or unwilling to come out with an explanation of her support for the war in 2002 is dancing around the issue. Playing it safe.
In the din about the candidates and their statements, it is Gary Younge's comments from Washington in The Guardian that stood out. Yet, while admitting that I agree with most of Mr. Younge's observations, I cannot ignore what happened on November 7, 2006. Not a mandate but certainly a message from voters. It is unfortunate that candidates with their eyes on the prize are going forward without paying much attention to the last mid-term elections. Or perhaps they, and their campaign managers, know the system better than the voters.
The US media is gripped by election fever - but discusses the candidates' highs and lows rather than the real social issues Gary Younge in Washington Monday February 5, 2007 The Guardian "You want to run for president?" asked Frank Bruni in his book Ambling into History. "Here's what you need to do: Have someone write you a lovely speech that stakes out popular positions in unwavering language and less popular positions in fuzzier terms. Better yet if it bows to God and country at every turn - that's called uplift. Make it rife with optimism, a trumpet blast not just about morning in America but about a perpetual dazzling dawn. Avoid talk of hard choices and daunting challenges; nobody wants those. Nod to people on all points of the political spectrum ... Add a soupcon of alliteration. Sprinkle with a few personal observations or stories - it humanises you. Stir with enthusiasm." Watching the contenders for the Democratic party nomination at the Washington Hilton this weekend during the party's winter meeting was to see Bruni's formula applied with precision (though he might have added: "Have millionaire backers, be tall, married and able-bodied" - it is unlikely the wheelchair user FDR would have been elected in the era of mass television). The candidates were each allowed seven minutes, 30 seconds of theme music, and 100 poster-waving fans, to lay out their stall for the new American century. Each one spoke of how the nation's historic mission as a beacon of liberty, justice and opportunity throughout the globe, had been traduced by the Bush administration. There was nothing bad enough you could say about the Iraq war, the budget deficit or the state of healthcare. There was also nothing concrete that most of the candidates would say about what they would do to fix them. With little of substance on offer, delivery was everything. Barack Obama, who delivered beautifully, called for an end to cynicism in American politics. That's a lot of work for just seven minutes. Americans, such demanding consumers in every other aspect of their lives, curiously expect little from their political leaders. They hold the principle of democracy dear; but the purpose of democracy remains elusive. The notion that "the people shall govern" is the cornerstone of American political identity - even if the nonchalance with which they watched Bush steal the 2000 election revealed a disturbing reluctance to defend it. Yet the idea that elections should be the mechanism for effecting real change barely seems to register - which is why it was relatively easy for Bush to get away with robbery. The weekend before November's midterms, for example, I walked up the Las Vegas Strip asking people if they thought the coming elections mattered. Roughly one in five either did not know the elections were taking place or had no intention of voting. Yet precisely 100% said they thought the elections mattered. This dislocation is not particular to the US. For all its inadequacies, America's political culture has proved far more responsive to opposition to the war or corruption than Britain's. But both the popular attachment to democratic ideals and the general ambivalence to democratic outcomes are more intense, making the discrepancy more pronounced. Everybody knows that, if counted (a significant if), their vote will make a difference to who is actually elected. But few expect that whoever they elect will really make any difference to the issues they care about. And so voting takes on a ritualistic quality. Like Independence Day or Thanksgiving, it marks a date on the calendar not for changing America's politics, but for celebrating its promise. Whether one participates or not seems less important than the fact of the event itself. The consensus view of November's elections is that voters turned their back on the war and the Bush agenda and opted instead for a new course in favour of bipartisanship and troop withdrawal. But the truth is that most of them turned their back on the elections. The fact that, at only 42%, this was the highest midterm turnout for 36 years is merely an indication of how entrenched this condition has become. The so-called Gingrich revolution of 1994 was won with just 38.8% of the vote. In the words of Gil Scott-Heron: "The first thing I want to say is: mandate, my ass." The point here is not that there is no difference between the two main parties but that the difference is insufficient to make a significant impact on the lives of large numbers of Americans. The problem is not that people don't want or need change - the poorer you are, the less likely you are to vote - but that they have long since given up on the idea that voting is the way to get it. The future of the country was supposed to hinge on the outcome of the 2004 presidential election. But somehow the issues of poverty, racism and infrastructural decay that were evident in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina nine months later just never came up. By the time the midterms arrived, little over a year later, Katrina had somehow become irrelevant again. It's not difficult to see why. Elections are big business. Last year the parties spent $2bn on ads alone. Throw in the fees for thousands of lobbyists, consultants and fundraisers and the electoral-industrial complex starts to develop a momentum of its own. Hillary Clinton, who faced only token opposition in a Senate race she won by 30 points, still lavished $27,000 on valet parking and $13,000 on flowers. The people who provide this money have healthcare, housing and decent schools for their kids. They pay the pipers and name the tune. The mainstream media dances dutifully. Reporters somehow never encounter non-voters, instead constructing a country hotly debating the issues and weighing up the candidates. Obsessed by polls and personalities, they have a surreal fixation about who is up and who is down, with little indication of why we should care. They have barely digested the results of one election before they move on to devour the next. The morning after the midterms, with the fate of the Senate in the balance, CNN already had a banner along the bottom of its screen that read "America votes 2008". New York magazine hit the stands with a picture of Hillary Clinton on the cover and the words: "And now the real race begins". And so in the Washington Hilton the permanent campaign that transforms American politics into a never-ending soap opera continues. Four years ago a rank outsider, Howard Dean, made his name at this event with an anti-war speech that transformed the dynamics of the campaign. This year he wielded the gavel as the leader of the Democratic National Committee and everybody is against the war. It's almost two years until the presidential elections. We can only hope that between now and then progressive movements will again see the candidates' opportunism as their opportunity and bring their influence to bear on whoever decides to run. In the meantime, with little of substance to debate, the media are reduced to discussing strategy and style. Can the Democrats reclaim the west? Should they abandon the south? When will Obama's star fade? Are Hillary's positives greater than her negatives? Is America ready to elect a Mormon, a black man or a white woman? Enjoying the race, and ignoring what lies beyond the finish line. g.younge@guardian.co.uk |
Saturday, February 03, 2007
U.S. Casualties in Iraq: January's Toll
Names by Date - "Sorrowing Lies My Land"
We lost 84 more men and women in uniform. This post is for them and for the ordinary Americans who had the courage to stand apart and oppose the war. Except for a few, our elected representatives cravenly swallowed the lies and fell in line behind the warmongers. Now they are trying to make amends. It is not too late to contain the losses. This is what the late Molly Ivins wrote shortly before her death on January 31st:
- "We are the people who run this country. We are the deciders. Every single day every single one of us needs to step outside and take some action to help stop this war. We need people in the streets banging pots and pans and demanding, 'Stop it now!' "
Thomas E. Vandling Jr., 26, Army Sergeant, Jan 01, 2007 Charles D. Allen, 28, Army Staff Sergeant, Jan 04, 2007 Michael Lewis Mundell, 47, Army Reserve Major, Jan 05, 2007 Jeremiah Johnson, 23, Army Corporal, Jan 06, 2007 III, Raymond N. Mitchell, 21, Army Specialist, Jan 06, 2007 Elizabeth A. Loncki, 23, Air Force Senior Airman, Jan 07, 2007 Daniel B. Miller Jr., 24, Air Force Senior Airman, Jan 07, 2007 Timothy R. Weiner, 35, Air Force Technical Sergeant, Jan 07, 2007 Eric T. Caldwell, 22, Army Corporal, Jan 07, 2007 Stephen J. Raderstorf, 21, Army Corporal, Jan 07, 2007 Ryan R. Berg, 19, Army Private 1st Class, Jan 09, 2007 Ming Sun, 20, Army Private 1st Class, Jan 09, 2007 James M. Wosika Jr., 24, Army Sergeant, Jan 09, 2007 Gregroy A. Wright, 28, Army Sergeant, Jan 13, 2007 James D. Riekena, 22, Army Sergeant, Jan 14, 2007 Paul T. Sanchez, 32, Army Sergeant, Jan 14, 2007 Ian C. Anderson, 22, Army Sergeant, Jan 15, 2007 John E. Cooper, 29, Army Sergeant, Jan 15, 2007 Jason J. Corbett, 23, Army Specialist, Jan 15, 2007 Mark J. Daily, 23, Army 2nd Lieutenant, Jan 15, 2007 Matthew T. Grimm, 21, Army Corporal, Jan 15, 2007 Collin R. Schockmel, 19, Army Specialist, Jan 16, 2007 Joseph D. Alomar, 22, Navy Petty Officer 2nd Class, Jan 17, 2007 Jennifer A. Valdivia, 27, Navy Petty Officer 1st Class, Jan 17, 2007 William J. Rechenmacher, 24, Army Corporal, Jan 18, 2007 Russell P. Borea, 38, Army Sergeant 1st Class, Jan 19, 2007 Luis J. Castillo, 20, Marine Reserve Lance Corporal, Jan 19, 2007 Jacob H. Neal, 23, Marine Reserve Corporal, Jan 19, 2007 Brian D. Allgood, 46, Army Colonel, Jan 20, 2007 Jeffrey D. Bisson, 22, Army Specialist, Jan 20, 2007 Johnathan Bryan Chism, 22, Army Specialist, Jan 20, 2007 Shawn Patrick Falter, 25, Army Private, Jan 20, 2007 Sean P. Fennerty, 26, Army Sergeant, Jan 20, 2007 Brian Scott Freeman, 31, Army Captain, Jan 20, 2007 Jacob N. Fritz, 25, Army 1st Lieutenant, Jan 20, 2007 Ryan J. Hill, 20, Army Private 1st Class, Jan 20, 2007 Allen B. Jaynes, 21, Army Private 1st Class, Jan 20, 2007 Jonathan P. C. Kingman, 21, Army Sergeant, Jan 20, 2007 Victor M. Langarica, 29, Army Corporal, Jan 20, 2007 Phillip D. McNeill, 22, Army Sergeant, Jan 20, 2007 Jonathan Millican, 20, Army Private 1st Class, Jan 20, 2007 Toby R. Olsen, 28, Army Specialist, Jan 20, 2007 Daryl D. Booker, 37, Army National Guard Staff Sergeant, Jan 20, 2007 John G. Brown, 43, Army National Guard Sergeant 1st Class, Jan 20, 2007 David C. Canegata, 50, Army National Guard Lieutenant Colonel, Jan 20, 2007 Marilyn L. Gabbard, 46, Army National Guard Sergeant Major, Jan 20, 2007 Roger W. Haller, 49, Army National Guard Command Sergeant Major, Jan 20, 2007 Paul M. Kelly, 45, Army National Guard Colonel, Jan 20, 2007 Floyd E. Lake, 43, Army National Guard Staff Sergeant, Jan 20, 2007 Sean E. Lyerly, 31, Army National Guard Captain, Jan 20, 2007 Michael Taylor, 40, Army National Guard Major, Jan 20, 2007 William T. Warren, 48, Army National Guard 1st Sergeant, Jan 20, 2007 Darrel J. Morris, 21, Marine Corporal, Jan 20, 2007 Brandon L. Stout, 23, Air National Guard Specialist, Jan 21, 2007 Andrew G. Matus, 19, Marine Lance Corporal, Jan 21, 2007 Emilian D. Sanchez, 20, Marine Lance Corporal, Jan 21, 2007 Nicholas P. Brown, 24, Army Specialist, Jan 22, 2007 Jamie D. Wilson, 34, Army Staff Sergeant, Jan 22, 2007 Michael J. Wiggins, 26, Army Staff Sergeant, Jan 23, 2007 Gary S. Johnston, 21, Marine Sergeant, Jan 23, 2007 Michael M. Kashkoush, 24, Marine Sergeant, Jan 23, 2007 Keith A. Callahan, 31, Army Sergeant 1st Class, Jan 24, 2007 Hector Leija, 27, Army Staff Sergeant, Jan 24, 2007 Michael Balsley, 23, Army Private 1st Class, Jan 25, 2007 Alexander H. Fuller, 21, Army Sergeant, Jan 25, 2007 Darrell W. Shipp, 25, Army Private 1st Class, Jan 25, 2007 Mark D. Kidd, 26, Marine Reserve Corporal, Jan 25, 2007 Nathan P. Fairlie, 21, Army Private 1st Class, Jan 26, 2007 Alan R. Johnson, 44, Army Major, Jan 26, 2007 Mickel D. Garrigus, 24, Army Sergeant, Jan 27, 2007 Jon B. St. John II, 25, Army Private 1st Class, Jan 27, 2007 Timothy A. Swanson, 21, Army Corporal, Jan 27, 2007 David T. Toomalatai, 19, Army Private 1st Class, Jan 27, 2007 Anthony C. Melia, 20, Marine Lance Corporal, Jan 27, 2007 Cornell C. Chao, 36, Army Chief Warrant Officer, Jan 28, 2007 Mark T. Resh, 28, Army Captain, Jan 28, 2007 Carla J. Stewart, 37, Army Specialist, Jan 28, 2007 Adam Q. Emul, 19, Marine Lance Corporal, Jan 29, 2007 Alejandro Carrillo, 22, Marine Sergeant, Jan 30, 2007 William M. Sigua, 21, Army Sergeant, Jan 31, 2007 Stephen D. Shannon, 21, Army Reserve Corporal, Jan 31, 2007 |
Source: Iraq Coalition Casualties
Friday, February 02, 2007
Winning Hearts and Minds in the Middle East
Use of U.S. Made Cluster Bombs by Israel * National Intelligence Estimate (NIE)
Four months after reports in world press about Israel's use of cluster bombs in Lebanon, our State Department issued a statement. The Post: " WASHINGTON -- Israel likely misused American-made cluster bombs in civilian areas of Lebanon during the war against Hezbollah last summer, the State Department said Monday."
The Guardian, UK:
The Guardian, UK:
US studies Israel's cluster bomb use in Lebanon Mark Tran Monday January 29, 2007 Guardian Unlimited Israel may have violated agreements with Washington on the use of US-made cluster bombs in its war with Hizbullah in Lebanon last summer, the state department said today. The Bush administration must now decide what action, if any, to take against Israel for its use of the weapons against towns and villages from which Hizbullah fighters fired rockets. Opinion among US officials was divided, the New York Times reported at the weekend. The paper said some middle-ranking officials at the Pentagon and the state department were arguing that Israel had violated prohibitions on using cluster munitions against civilian areas. However, others in both departments thought Israel's use of the weapons was justified on the grounds of self-defence in a conflict that cost the lives of 159 Israeli soldiers and civilians, the paper said. At least 850 Lebanese died in the fighting. Tough action from the US is believed to be unlikely because of the White House's staunch support for the Israeli government. Cluster bombs scatter hundreds of small "bomblets", many of which fail to explode, over a wide area. Inquisitive children may later pick these up, or civilians could step on them. Israeli forces dropped an estimated 1m cluster bomblets in southern Lebanon last summer, 90% of which were dropped (pdf) in the last three days of the conflict, the group Landmine Action reported in October. Even if Israel is found to be in violation of its agreements with the US, it is up to George Bush to decide whether to impose sanctions unless Congress decides to take legislative action, a highly unlikely development. The state department is required to notify Congress of even the preliminary findings of possible violations of the Arms Export Control Act, the statute governing arms sales. It began an investigation in August. Whatever the US decides, Israel makes its own cluster munitions, so a cutoff of US supplies would be mainly symbolic. In 1982, the Reagan administration imposed a six-year ban on cluster bombs sales to Israel after a congressional investigation found Israel had used the weapons in civilian areas during its invasion of Lebanon that year. The UN and human rights groups strongly criticised Israel's use of cluster bombs at the end of the 2006 Lebanon conflict. "What is shocking and completely immoral is 90% of the cluster bomb strikes occurred in the last 72 hours of the conflict, when we knew there would be a resolution," the UN humanitarian chief, Jan Egeland, said soon after the war ended. However, Israel said the use of cluster bombs was in accordance with international law and that its forces had not targeted civilians. "The IDF [Israel Defence Force] does not deliberately attack civilians, and takes steps to minimise any incidental collateral harm by warning them in advance of an action, even at the expense of losing the element of surprise," the Israeli foreign ministry said last summer. Nevertheless, Israeli television reported in December that the military's judge advocate general was gathering evidence for possible criminal charges against military officers who may have given orders for cluster bombs to be dropped on populated areas. According to the UN mine action coordination centre for South Lebanon, by December 19, 18 people had been killed and 145 injured since the August ceasefire. The casualty rate has come down sharply. Immediately after the war, there were more than 30 casualties a week, but the figure now stands at around three or four. |
New Report From The Folks Who Sold Us Saddam's WMD
Release of summary of the National Intelligence Estimate submitted to President Bush isn't going to make anyone feel good about the situation in Iraq. Mindful of the criticsm about its report about non-existent WMD in Iraq, the report tried to be objective -- "dissents are prominently displayed". What spin the White House is going to put on it? Karen DeYoung and Walter Pincus in The Washington Post
- A long-awaited National Intelligence Estimate on Iraq, presented to President Bush by the intelligence community yesterday, outlines an increasingly perilous situation in which the United States has little control and there is a strong possibility of further deterioration, according to sources familiar with the document.
- In a discussion of whether Iraq has reached a state of civil war, the 90-page classified NIE comes to no conclusion and holds out prospects of improvement. But it couches glimmers of optimism in deep uncertainty about whether the Iraqi leaders will be able to transcend sectarian interests and fight against extremists, establish effective national institutions and end rampant corruption.
Legislators have been equally critical of the intelligence community, repeatedly recalling that most of the key judgments in the October 2002 NIE on Iraq's weapons of mass destruction were wrong. That assessment concluded that Saddam Hussein had amassed chemical and biological weapons and was "reconstituting" his nuclear weapons program. It became the foundation of the Bush administration's case -- and congressional authorization -- for invading Iraq. "One of the sort of deeply held rumors around here is that the intelligence community gives an administration or a president what he wants by way of intelligence," Sen. Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) told Navy Vice Adm. John M. McConnell, Bush's nominee to be director of national intelligence, during McConnell's confirmation hearing yesterday. Without directly accepting Feinstein's premise, McConnell replied that the intelligence community had learned "meaningful" lessons over the past several years and that "there's very intense focus on independence." McConnell and others made clear that the new NIE on Iraq had been subjected to extensive competitive analysis to test its conclusions. One senior congressional aide said the NIE had been described to him as "unpleasant but very detailed." A source familiar with its language said it contained several dissents that are prominently displayed so that policymakers understand any disagreements within the intelligence community -- a significant change from the 2002 document, which listed most key dissents in small-type footnotes. Sen. Christopher S. Bond (R-Mo.), vice chairman of the Senate intelligence committee, pointedly told McConnell that "we are not going to accept national security issue judgment[s] without examining the intelligence underlying the judgments, and I believe this committee has an obligation to perform due diligence on such important documents." Previous committee attempts to obtain material to back up a 2005 NIE on Iran, Bond said, had "run into resistance." |
Thursday, February 01, 2007
Molly Ivins 1944-2007
Witty, Feisty, Irreverent
Read about Molly Ivins' death from cancer at 62 with sadness. Yet, remembering some of her comments made me chuckle. She will be missed....not by the Bushies in Texas but she didn't give a damn about them. She didn't spare Democrats either. Her 1998 book "You Got to Dance with Them What Brung you" was about the Clinton years. This is what she wrote about the Mall of America in Bloomington, Minnesotta:
"And what are we, the spiritual descendants of Puritans, to make of this monument to materialism? So much stuff it makes you sick to look at it, like eating too much cotton candy. Stores that sell only stuff to put your stuff in. Sub-specialties of stuff beyond the wildest dreams of most of the world's people. Should we not disapprove? Well, yeah. On the other hand, the pyramids were built for Pharaohs on the happy theory they could take their stuff with them. Versailles was built for kings on the theory that they should live surrounded by the finest stuff. The Mall of America is built on the premise that we should all be able to afford this stuff. It may be a shallow culture, but it's by-God democratic. Sneer if you dare; this is something new in world history." |
Katherine Seelye of the The NY Times, where Molly Ivins once worked as a reporter, covered the news very well. See excerpts.
January 31, 2007
Molly Ivins, Populist Texas Columnist, Dies at 62
By KATHARINE Q. SEELYE
- In her syndicated column, which appeared in about 350 newspapers, Ms. Ivins cultivated the voice of a folksy populist who derided those who acted too big for their britches. She was rowdy and profane, but she could filet her ideological opponents with droll precision.
- After Patrick J. Buchanan, as a conservative candidate for president, declared at the 1992 Republican National Convention that America was engaged in a cultural war, she said his speech “probably sounded better in the original German.”
- “There are two kinds of humor,” she told People magazine. One was the kind “that makes us chuckle about our foibles and our shared humanity,” she said. “The other kind holds people up to public contempt and ridicule. That’s what I do.”
- Her subject was Texas. To her, the Great State, as she called it, was “reactionary, cantankerous and hilarious,” and its legislature was “reporter heaven.” When the legislature was set to convene, she warned her readers: “Every village is about to lose its idiot.”
- Her Texas upbringing made her something of an expert on the Bush family. She viewed President George H.W. Bush benignly. (“Real Texans do not use the word ‘summer’ as a verb,” she wrote.)
- But she derided President George W. Bush, whom she first knew in high school. She called him Shrub and Dubya. With the Texas journalist Lou Dubose, she wrote two best-selling books about Mr. Bush: “Shrub: The Short but Happy Political Life of George W. Bush” (2000) and “Bushwhacked” (2003).
- In 2004 she campaigned against Mr. Bush’s re-election, and as the war in Iraq continued, she called for his impeachment. In her last column, earlier this month, she urged readers to “raise hell” against the war.
- Like her mother, Margot, and grandmother, Ms. Ivins went to Smith College in Massachusetts. Graduating in 1966, she also studied at the Institute of Political Science in Paris and earned her master’s degree at the Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism.
- Ronnie Dugger, the former publisher of The Observer, said the political circus in Texas inspired her. “It was like somebody snapped the football to her and said, ‘All the rules are off, this is the football field named Texas, and it’s wide open,”’ he said.
- In 1976, her writing, which she said was often fueled by “truly impressive amounts of beer,” landed her a job at The New York Times. She cut an unusual figure in The Times newsroom, wearing blue jeans, going barefoot and bringing in her dog, whose name was an expletive.
- She quit The Times in 1982 after The Dallas Times Herald offered to make her a columnist. She took the job even though she loathed Dallas, once describing it as the kind of town “that would have rooted for Goliath to beat David.”
- But the paper, she said, promised to let her write whatever she wanted. When she declared of a congressman, “If his I.Q. slips any lower, we’ll have to water him twice a day,” many readers were appalled, and several advertisers boycotted the paper. In her defense, her editors rented billboards that read: “Molly Ivins Can’t Say That, Can She?” The slogan became the title of the first of her six books.
- Ms. Ivins learned she had breast cancer in 1999 and was typically unvarnished in describing her treatments. “First they mutilate you; then they poison you; then they burn you,” she wrote. “I have been on blind dates better than that.”
- But she continued to write her columns and continued to write and raise money for The Observer.
- Indeed, rarely has a reporter so embodied the ethos of her publication. On the paper’s 50th anniversary in 2004, she wrote: “This is where you can tell the truth without the bark on it, laugh at anyone who is ridiculous, and go after the bad guys with all the energy you have.”
*****
